History has a funny way of circling back. Fifteen years ago, jurist Andras Baka was unceremoniously shoved out of his job as the head of Hungary's Supreme Court. His crime? Publicly criticizing the sweeping judicial reforms pushed through by then-Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Baka took his case all the way to the European Court of Human Rights and won, proving his dismissal was an illegal retaliation. Today, the wheel has turned completely.
Hungary's parliament just elected that exact same man as the country's new president.
If you are trying to understand how fast the political landscape in Budapest is shifting after April's monumental elections, look no further than this vote. Prime Minister Peter Magyar's ruling Tisza party is systematically dismantling the institutional architecture left behind by Orban's sixteen-year tenure. Electing Baka isn't just a personnel change. It is a loud, institutional middle finger to an era of democratic backsliding.
The Anatomy of a Political Ouster
How did we get here? Back in April, Magyar's conservative, pro-European TISZA party swept to power. They secured a massive constitutional majority—more than two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly. Armed with that mandate, they started moving fast.
They didn't wait around for natural term expirations. Weeks ago, Magyar's government used its parliamentary muscle to pass a constitutional amendment that cut short the term of sitting president Tamas Sulyok. Sulyok was an Orban loyalist, appointed in 2024 to keep the rubber stamp handy. By rewriting the rules to eject him early, Magyar cleared the board.
When Tuesday's parliamentary vote rolled around, the outcome was never in doubt. Baka secured 140 votes in favor and only six against. Predictably, Orban's right-wing populist Fidesz party boycotted the entire proceeding. They know they are powerless in the chamber right now. Fidesz lawmakers called the move authoritarian, pointing out the irony of using majority rule to push out an incumbent head of state.
They have a point, strictly speaking. But it is an ironic complaint coming from a party that spent over a decade rewriting Hungary's foundational laws to lock in its own permanent advantage.
Who Is Andras Baka?
Baka is not a standard party politician. At 73 years old, his resume reads like a textbook on international jurisprudence. He spent nearly two decades as a judge at the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg before heading back to Hungary in 2009.
When Orban targeted the judiciary to consolidate executive control, Baka was the high-profile casualty who refused to go quietly. His appointment to the presidency carries immense symbolic weight. Magyar stated publicly that Baka's life serves as an anchor for constitutional principles and democratic rule of law.
Even though the Hungarian presidency is largely ceremonial—lacking the heavy executive powers held by the prime minister—the optics are staggering. Baka is replacing an Orban appointee with a man Orban personally crushed.
What Comes Next for Budapest
The TISZA administration isn't stopping with the presidency. Since taking office, Magyar has pushed through anti-corruption task forces, media reforms, and strict term limits on the office of the prime minister. Those term limits are explicitly designed to block any future comeback attempt by Orban.
Critics worry that the new government is using the exact same hardball tactics that made the Orban years so controversial. Politics in Budapest remains a high-stakes winner-takes-all game.
Yet in his acceptance speech, Baka offered a stabilizing note to a deeply polarized country. He warned the chamber that rebuilding the nation cannot be built on a foundation of revenge. Whether the ruling coalition heeds that warning will determine if Hungary genuinely heals its democratic fractures or simply swaps one set of political masters for another.
